At 36, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, sporting newly acquired captain’s stripes, occupies a presidential palace he secured not through democratic elections — which he has since dismantled. This convenient arrangement means the need to deceive voters is gone, replaced by direct falsehoods delivered to journalists.
From the opulent Koulouba palace, Traoré convened six journalists for a two-hour session, presenting a polished narrative of progress. He boasted of the army’s success in reclaiming territory, a thriving industrial sector, burgeoning gold reserves, expanding infrastructure, and unprecedented freedom for Burkinabè citizens. One might almost expect a triumphant soundtrack and a flag waving proudly in the background.
The official narrative clashes with documented atrocities
However, as Captain Traoré painted his optimistic picture, Human Rights Watch (HRW) released a damning 351-page report titled “No One Will Escape.” This extensive document, meticulously compiled from testimonies, satellite imagery, and casualty lists, revealed a horrific toll: 1,837 civilians killed over two and a half years. Disturbingly, the report implicates not only JNIM jihadists but also the Burkinabè army and its allied VDP militias. While violence emanates from various factions, HRW highlights a systematic pattern of killings by state-affiliated forces, often executed with drone surveillance and direct orders.
The HRW report details grave accusations including war crimes, crimes against humanity, and the ethnic targeting of the Fulani community. Specific incidents cited include the summary executions of 223 civilians, including 56 children, in Nondin in February 2024; hundreds of fatalities in Baraboulé in December 2023; and the massacre of 130 Fulani near Solenzo in March 2025. Evidence includes mass graves, compelling survivor accounts, and corroborating satellite data. Despite these overwhelming findings, the official response often dismisses such revelations as a “Western conspiracy.”
“Recaptured” towns: a euphemism for massacres
Ironically, Traoré proudly named several towns, such as Baraboulé and Pétégoli, as successfully “recaptured.” Yet, HRW’s investigation, Operation Tchéfari 2 — poetically named “The Warriors’ Honey” in Fulfulde — documented widespread atrocities in these very areas. The army reportedly killed hundreds of civilians across 16 villages. While state television hailed these operations as a “success,” survivors recount them as brutal massacres, underscoring a stark divergence in perspective.
Traoré attempted to explain away these killings by suggesting they were perpetrated by terrorists disguised in military uniforms, who then coordinated with military drones and multiple battalions before vanishing. This narrative implies a level of sophistication that seems incongruous with his own description of these individuals as those who merely “read the Quran in the bush.”
The deliberate silence on ethnic targeting
Throughout his two-hour interview, the word “Fulani” was conspicuously absent. This omission is profoundly significant, akin to recounting World War II history without acknowledging the Jewish people — technically possible but morally reprehensible. HRW’s report comprehensively documents the systematic targeting of the Fulani community, which constitutes 8% of Burkina Faso’s population. They are collectively accused of terrorism, subjected to village-by-village massacres, and displaced by the hundreds of thousands.
The report even quotes Traoré himself, addressing Fulani leaders in February 2023: “There will be many dead. And it will be more complicated for your community.” His presidential guard chief was reportedly even more explicit, stating, “We will kill them all.” Despite this, the official stance maintains there is no “Fulani problem” in Burkina Faso, only a “problem of Fulani.”
Freedom of expression: a hollow claim
Traoré asserted that Burkinabè citizens enjoy “much greater freedom” than their European counterparts. However, the reality painted by human rights organizations suggests otherwise. This “freedom” often translates into the liberty to disappear; journalists have been abducted and forcibly conscripted into militias, independent media outlets shut down, and human rights websites blocked. Furthermore, the electoral commission has been abolished, and the death penalty reinstated.
Adding to this repressive environment, pro-junta troll networks, known as the “BIR-C” (Rapid Communication Intervention Battalions), actively flood social media with propaganda and deepfakes designed to glorify the captain. The scale of this state-sponsored manipulation makes even Kim Jong-un’s propaganda machine appear rudimentary.
Justice: an elusive concept for some
HRW has called for Captain Traoré to be investigated for command responsibility, naming six generals in connection with the abuses. To date, none have faced trial. The junta’s decision to withdraw from the International Criminal Court (ICC) further suggests an evasion of accountability, implying a reluctance to face international scrutiny when there is “nothing to hide.”
Meanwhile, Traoré publicly shames corrupt traffic officers caught pocketing small sums, turning a 500 CFA franc bribe into a national scandal. In stark contrast, the massacre of hundreds of civilians by the army is dismissed as “terrorist perfidy.” These actions clearly define the regime’s priorities.
External criticism: consistently dismissed
Any external scrutiny is routinely rejected. A European Parliament resolution is labeled “interference,” the French army chief is told to “mind his own business,” NGOs are branded “manipulators,” and the media, internet, territorial maps, and even HRW’s 351-page report with 450 interviews are all dismissed as “fake.” Only Traoré’s narrative is presented as truth.
While acknowledging the legitimate postcolonial grievance and France’s historical exploitation of Africa, using this historical fact as an impenetrable shield against criticism, particularly while engaging in massacres of one’s own population, echoes a disturbing pattern of authoritarianism. Anti-imperialism does not grant a license for unchecked violence.
In a recent address, Traoré urged Burkinabè to “have children” because “the land is rich.” A chilling irony, considering the land is indeed rich — with the bodies of many of its people.
