The interpretation of a coup d’état frequently shifts based on the perceived interests and goodwill of the international community, often endorsed by neighboring states. In Burkina Faso, the appointment of Transitional President Michel Kafando was deemed unconstitutional, setting the stage for the nation to operate with newly established institutions for at least a year.
Like a complex construction set, the provisional institutions of the transition have been gradually falling into place. Following the dramatic departure of Blaise Compaoré, the ‘Sphinx of Kosyam,’ and the subsequent appearance of military uniforms on the public scene, Ouagadougou has seemingly found a degree of calm.
Lieutenant-Colonel Isaac Zida emerged from relative obscurity, swiftly assuming powers akin to a Head of State. His true motives were initially unclear. How did he manage to integrate himself among the protestors and political party leaders? Was his deployment to the Place de la Révolution a calculated move, perhaps coordinated between President Blaise Compaoré and General Gilbert Diendéré, to maintain some control over the power vacuum? Initially, an officer from the Presidential Security Regiment (RSP) aligning with the populace naturally sparked widespread suspicion and distrust. The military’s early actions, including the suspension of the Constitution and the dissolution of the National Assembly, fueled fears of an impending junta, threatening to strip the people of the victory they had sacrificed so much to achieve.
True to form, the African Union promptly threatened sanctions against Burkina Faso. Concurrently, a delegation of ECOWAS heads of state – including John Dramani Mahama of Ghana, Goodluck Jonathan of Nigeria, and Macky Sall of Sénégal – arrived to assess the situation and urge the military to reconsider its stance. The precedents set by captains like Dadis Camara in Guinea and Sanogo in Mali likely compelled Burkinabé officers to exercise caution. They understood that seizing power by force rarely goes unpunished, and a prolonged crisis resolution process could isolate the country and lead to growing unpopularity.
Ultimately, the army negotiated a compromise, formalized in the Transition Charter. The agreement stipulated that a civilian would lead the transitional presidency, while the military would retain significant influence over the government. A 90-member legislative body, the National Council of Transition (CNT), was established to accommodate those who spearheaded the popular uprising. A Designation Committee, comprising about twenty members, was tasked with the crucial responsibility of naming a Transitional President. This temporary arrangement was set to conclude in November 2015, coinciding with the original end date of President Blaise Compaoré’s mandate.
For the selection of the Head of State, each vital national component – the army, civil society, opposition parties, religious, and traditional authorities – was required to submit a shortlist within a specified timeframe. In the end, five individuals were considered:
The opposition and civil society put forward two journalists: Newton Ahmed Barry, director of the weekly L’Evènement, and Chériff Sy Moumina, publishing director of the weekly Bendré. Their legitimacy stemmed from their media outlets’ consistent criticism of the former regime. The army adopted a broader approach, diversifying its candidate profiles to include a clergyman, Archbishop Mgr Ouédraogo of Bobo Dioulasso; a seasoned diplomat, Michel Kafando; and a woman, former minister Joséphine Ouédraogo. Early on, Archbishop Ouédraogo, initially a strong contender, publicly declined the role, preferring to focus on his ecclesiastical duties.
Michel Kafando and Joséphine Ouédraogo held a distinct advantage over other candidates due to their extensive experience in major international institutions. Madame Joséphine Ouédraogo had served with the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA), while Michel Kafando had twice represented his nation at the UN headquarters in New York, from 1981 to 1982 and again from 1998 to 2011. In the ‘Land of the Upright Man,’ an unspoken divide often separates those who supported and those who opposed Thomas Sankara. This implicit cleavage has historically influenced the trajectory of political figures. Joséphine Ouédraogo served as Minister of Family Development and Solidarity between 1984 and 1987. Michel Kafando, on the other hand, was Minister of Foreign Affairs in Prime Minister Thomas Sankara’s government under President Jean-Baptiste Ouédraogo in 1982. The two reportedly had disagreements over foreign policy during the Haute-Volta era and held diametrically opposing ideological views.
A career within an international institution offers dual benefits: a significant boost to one’s curriculum vitae and an invaluable network of contacts. This proved to be a disadvantage for the two aspiring journalists presented by the opposition.
For a limited period, Michel Kafando, the retired diplomat, was compelled to set aside his cattle and chicken farming in Saponé for a higher calling: safeguarding the nation in peril. He assumed the dual responsibilities of Transitional President and Minister of Foreign Affairs. This dual role facilitated diplomatic channels, providing a single point of contact and effectively bypassing the head of government, Isaac Zida.
Burkina Faso’s evolving situation was closely monitored from various capitals: Accra, which currently chairs ECOWAS; Addis Ababa for the African Union; and Paris and Washington for geopolitical reasons. On the day of Michel Kafando’s inauguration, several heads of state – from Mauritania (representing the AU), Ghana (representing ECOWAS), Togo, Bénin, Mali, and Niger – attended, symbolizing a rehabilitation of Burkina Faso. Did this robust representation implicitly endorse the reinstatement of a constitution that had been suspended just weeks prior? The United States, by principle, typically refrains from cooperating with heads of state who have not received a popular mandate, a situation currently applicable to Burkina Faso. The international community thus orchestrated a way to legitimize the coup and restore a semblance of constitutional order. This ensured that American reconnaissance aircraft could remain stationed in Ouagadougou, as Uncle Sam relies on Mauritania and Burkina Faso as strategic footholds for monitoring the Sahel region.
Out of 26 ministerial positions, the military secured four crucial portfolios: the Prime Minister also held the Ministry of Defense; Colonel Auguste Denise Barry, a former Security Minister in 2011, was appointed to Territorial Administration, Decentralization, and Security (MATDS); Colonel David Kabré, spokesperson for Lieutenant-Colonel Isaac Zida, took charge of Sports; and Boubacar Ba assumed control of the highly strategic Ministry of Mines and Energy. Joséphine Ouédraogo was given the position of Keeper of the Seals as a consolation, while Augustin Loada, a university professor and prominent civil society figure, was named to the Civil Service. Adama Sagnon, who initially inherited the Ministry of Culture, resigned just days after his appointment due to public pressure regarding his alleged mishandling of the Norbert Zongo case as a former prosecutor.
The National Council of Transition (CNT), the interim legislative body, elected Chériff Sy Moumina, one of the unsuccessful candidates for the transitional presidency, as its president. He secured 71 out of 90 votes from his peers. The next critical step involves establishing the remaining institutions and mechanisms necessary to guide Burkina Faso towards transparent and equitable elections, including the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI), a new electoral code, and organic laws.
What are the key objectives for this brief transitional period?
Since early December, Michel Kafando has signed a presidential decree establishing the Commission for National Reconciliation and Reforms (CRNR). The scope and duration of this body’s mandate remain to be fully defined. More than 27 years after Thomas Sankara’s assassination, the ‘Land of the Upright Man’ is finally seeking a process of catharsis. One of President Michel Kafando’s first decisions after his appointment was to authorize investigations to identify Thomas Sankara’s remains. Prime Minister Isaac Zida has also pledged to fully open the file on President Thomas Sankara’s assassination, indicating that Burkina Faso would, if necessary, seek Blaise Compaoré’s extradition from Morocco.
Through a series of public announcements, the current leaders have opened a Pandora’s Box. Such complex cases typically require an extended period, likely surpassing the transitional timeframe. Were these declarations made to reassure opponents of the Blaise Compaoré regime? As Minister of Defense, army reform should have been Isaac Zida’s priority. In this context, General Gilbert Diendéré – Blaise Compaoré’s chief of staff and Isaac Zida’s direct superior – was relieved of his duties by President Michel Kafando. He was replaced by Commander Théophile Nikièma, former head of the RSP’s “Operations and Instruction” Bureau and also director of External Documentation, the intelligence service of the Kosyam palace.
Will Lieutenant-Colonel Isaac Zida and Commander Théophile Nikièma remain loyal to General Gilbert Diendéré? Burkina Faso successfully defused the political crisis of October 30th, which led to Blaise Compaoré’s downfall, with relatively few major incidents. The intervention of RSP elements during the initial clashes could have triggered a civil war. Would it not be more prudent to prioritize the organization of elections rather than potentially implicating General Gilbert Diendéré and other living civilian and military figures by exhuming the Sankara case?
How can a ‘witch hunt’ be avoided? Two general managers of major national enterprises, perceived as close to the ousted president’s family, have already been dismissed: Jean-Baptiste Bérehoundougou from Société Nationale Burkinabè des Hydrocarbures (SONABHY) and Jean Christophe Ilboudo from Société Nationale Burkinabè d’Electricité (SONABEL). While an act of contrition does not fully absolve past transgressions, it contributes to appeasement; this was exemplified by the recent gesture of Gilbert Noël Ouédraogo of the Alliance for Democracy and Federation – African Democratic Rally (ADF-RDA), a political party affiliated with the former presidential movement. Similarly, a national tribute was paid to the seven individuals who tragically lost their lives during the events of October 30th and 31st, now laid to rest in the Gounghin cemetery.
Will the CRNR endure beyond the end of the transitional period? Now that all institutions are in place, political figures and parties will take center stage. No prominent political leader sought a seat in either the Executive or the CNT, effectively disqualifying them from running in future general elections. Presidential candidates are now poised at the starting blocks. The creation of the CNT also prompted the self-dissolution of the CFOP, the opposition coalition. The political contest is certainly set to intensify in early 2015.
