The narrative of women’s political engagement in Morocco unfolds as an extensive progression, marked by significant legal reforms, persistent advocacy from various associations, and an enduring quest for genuine gender parity. As the September 2026 legislative elections draw nearer, the pivotal issue of women’s representation within decision-making bodies has once again taken center stage in the national discourse. While Morocco’s legal framework has seen substantial advancements, the practical realities on the ground and current partisan practices continue to raise serious questions about the full realization of constitutional principles.
1. Historical context: from marginalization to affirmative action.
For decades following national independence, the presence of women in the Moroccan Parliament remained minimal, often non-existent. It wasn’t until 1993 that the first two women successfully secured seats in the House of Representatives. Recognizing the slow pace of this ‘organic’ evolution, Morocco embarked on a decisive policy shift in the early 2000s by implementing mechanisms of positive discrimination.
- 2002 – Introduction of the national list: A political consensus among parties allocated 30 seats to women in the House of Representatives, establishing a crucial foundation for more equitable representation.
- 2011 – The constitutional leap: The new Constitution, through Article 19, enshrined equality between men and women and committed the State to actively pursuing parity. Consequently, the number of seats reserved for women was increased to 60.
- 2021 – Transition to regional lists: The national list system was replaced by regional lists, aiming to broaden the geographical representation of women and further elevate their total count to 90 seats in the House of Representatives.
Each of these phases has allowed Moroccan women to amass invaluable expertise and demonstrate their capabilities across political, trade union, associative, and human rights spheres. Nevertheless, despite these legislative strides, a persistent glass ceiling remains, impacting both local governance and the leadership of electoral slates.
2. 2026 legislative elections: civil society’s urgent findings.
It is against this backdrop of ongoing transition that the Coalition 190 Against Violence and the Coalition for Women’s Dignity and Rights jointly issued a pressing appeal on June 9, 2026. After analyzing preliminary data concerning candidate nominations for the upcoming September elections, these organizations sounded a clear alarm: women continue to be marginalized from top-tier positions as heads of lists, with key leadership roles overwhelmingly dominated by men.
This situation presents a significant paradox, especially since candidates leading electoral lists statistically possess the highest probability of securing a seat in the legislative assembly. Relegating female candidates to secondary positions thus prompts a fundamental inquiry: what is the true extent of political parties’ dedication to the principles of equality and parity?
3. A critical democratic concern: family-based circumvention of quotas.
Beyond the mere scarcity of female candidacies, another insidious trend threatens the integrity of the upcoming elections, observed across the political spectrum. It is imperative to highlight and strongly caution against the manipulation of representation mechanisms by certain partisan elites. Taking advantage of quotas and reserved lists, several influential figures are unreservedly positioning their spouses or daughters at the forefront of these lists.
This practice of familial favoritism represents a blatant disregard for the spirit of the legal texts. By transforming measures intended for positive discrimination into dynastic privileges, it effectively strips the reform of its intended purpose. This approach unfairly denies grassroots activists – who have dedicated decades to working within political and associative structures – their legitimate access to representation. Such electoral nepotism erodes public trust in institutions and undermines the credibility of women’s entry into politics, reducing it to a matter of family connections rather than competence and merit.
4. Towards a national dialogue: beyond mere electoral mobilization.
In response to these concerning deviations, the coalitions advocate for the immediate initiation of a responsible and constructive national debate, bringing together political stakeholders, constitutional institutions, feminist organizations, and media outlets. This dialogue must critically examine the cultural and structural impediments that still hinder the advancement of women into political leadership roles.
The signatories of the manifesto have put forth several concrete proposals to reverse the current trajectory:
- Firm partisan commitment: Political parties must adhere to the spirit of electoral laws and ensure that women lead at least one-third of their lists, aiming for effective parity.
- Transparent and ethical selection criteria: The allocation of nominations must unequivocally be based on candidates’ competence, merit, and historical militant engagement, explicitly excluding any logic of familial privilege or nepotism, thereby guaranteeing genuine equality of opportunity.
- Rigorous oversight by authorities: Control institutions and public authorities responsible for supervising the electoral process must ensure the strict application of the law’s original objectives, so that measures supporting representation truly benefit all female citizens and not merely restricted family circles.
Conclusion – A reflective note.
Moroccan women can no longer be confined to the roles of mere voters or instruments for mass mobilization on election day. They are full citizens and indispensable partners in shaping public policies and building the nation’s future. The maturity of Moroccan democracy will ultimately be gauged by its capacity to transform women’s political participation – moving beyond an exception or familial circumvention – into a natural, equitable, meritocratic, and enduring democratic practice.
